CORCAS core cracks? 2009 May 13 tags: Algeria, CORCAS, corruption, elite, mohamed abdelaziz, Morocco, network, patronage, polisario, tribes, western saharaby alleIn the last couple of weeks, infighting within the palace-friendly elite in Morocco’s majority slice of Western Sahara seems to have reached boiling point. At the heart of it lies the continual squabbling within CORCAS, which, as you know, is short for the Royal Consultative Council for Saharan Affairs, but it seems mainly to serve as cover for a set of political, financial and personal rivalries which run all the way into the Moroccan regime elite, the makhzen.
CORCAS, you may recall, was (re-)established in 2006 to provide a reliably controllable voice for pro-Moroccan Sahrawis in the state’s campaign to promote autonomy as an alternative to a referendum. “Here,” the palace would say, “is the legitimate voice of the Sahrawis — it’s not the separatists.” Pretty good idea, if not always a convincing act, given how transparently obvious it is that the group is run on remote control from Rabat. (POLISARIO, which has its own embarrassing credibility issues with regards to its ties to the Algerian deep state, seems like a jolly band of maverick independents in comparison.)
Most problematic, however, is that they are a quarrelsome bunch, this motley of tribal sheikhs, businessmen, go-betweens, POLISARIO defectors, and makhzen clients. It worked for a while, just paying them a fat salary to toe the line, but in the past year or two, rivalries within CORCAS has rendered the group nearly inoperable, with constant bickering and large parts of the membership sometimes boycotting sessions. Far be it from me to claim any deeper insights into Saharo-makhzenite clan politics, but at the core of it all seems to be the hostile relations between CORCAS chairman Khellihenna ould el-Rachid and his brother Hamdi, on the one hand, and the group gathered around another southern strongman, Hassan Derham, on the other.
Khellihenna ould el-Rachid Khellihenna is a native to the territory, and a veteran politician. He started out as chairman of the PUNS, a Spanish marionette organization which demanded “privileged ties” with Franco’s Madrid; later moved towards demanding independence when that seemed to be the winning bet; only to end up by discovering the Sahara’s eternal Moroccanity in 1975, as the Kingdom’s troops began pulling up on the border. Ever since, he’s been the most well-known Sahrawi face for Moroccan rule, although his fortunes temporarily dipped with the loss of support from regime pillar Driss Basri, who was cast out of power when Mohammed VI took the throne. He then returned in grand style in 2006, as M6’s anointed chairman of the CORCAS, and has since been back in business. In business, incidentally, is also his brother Hamdi, who aside from politics (multiple stints in parliament) acts as the family cashier, and whose privileged ties to the country’s political and military elite has allegedly made him the richest man in the Sahara.
Hassan Derham The other gentleman involved, Hassan Derham, is also a politician-businessman, and also firmly implanted in Morocco’s Saharan patronage and clientèle system* However, he is not himself Sahrawi, but rather of the Aït Ba Amran, a south-Moroccan Berber tribe (with their own grievances against the state). Unlike the el-Rachid brothers, who are aligned with the Moroccan Istiqlal party, Derham now works with its rival leftist offshoot, the USFP, having previously been involved with pro-palace parties MP and RNI. Given the way their respective party affiliates faced off in the 2007 parliamentary elections, it’s obvious there’s little love between them.
It now seems that Derham’s supporters have withdrawn from some CORCAS sessions of late, joining protests against Khellihenna’s impopular and autocratic style of management and his refusal to inform council members of what’s going on (in reality, it may be that he isn’t himself very well informed, since decisions are taken not in CORCAS meetings, but in Rabat; CORCAS serves to provide media and local Big Man endorsement). I wouldn’t be too surprised if it transpires that Khellihenna’s comments about Moroccan mass killings of Sahrawis in 1975, which were published to his great embarrassment and presumably to no help in relations with the government, were also strategically leaked in this context. But what do I know.
The most recent development is that local USFP politicians have complained to Interior Minister Chakib Benmoussa about how some El Aaiún land lots were granted by the municipality to private individuals — in effect, they’re saying that state resources were used for a vote buying scam (which, given the way the Moroccan part of the Sahara is run, appears plausible to the point of goddamn obvious). Hamdi ould el-Rachid is apparently the one targeted, and he promptly shot back through Istiqlal papers with accusations of corruption in the local USFP (meaning Derham’s men). However, it seems the Ministry has decided to start an investigation of the matter. If so, that’s bad news for the el-Rachid brothers, since regime corruption in the Sahara is not something a minor clerk will decide to start digging in on his own — he’d be digging his own grave, more likely. If the courts and the government follow through with this affair, it must presumably mean that Derham has some serious backers for a push to clip the wings of Hamdi and Khellihenna, whose star has for some time been fading again.
At least that’s my guess. To add a note of caution, all of the above is my own interpretation of what I’ve gleaned through the press, not necessarily as accurate and detailed as I’d like, and I’m sure there are all kinds of nuances to add. Obviously, neither CORCAS nor other Saharan politics can or should be reduced to a rivalry between two clear-cut teams, given the vast complexities of tribal and other politics in these areas, and that’s not the impression I want to give either. So, you’re all most welcome to chime in with both comments and corrections.
Mohamed Abdelaziz Finally, a couple of closing thoughts:
Where is POLISARIO in all this? I’m sure they’re doing their very best to fan the flames of discontent, but it seems unlikely they could even hope to rally the losers in this battle, given the extraordinarily strong ties of both factions to Morocco. So maybe Chairman Abdelaziz will just sit back with a bowl of popcorn to watch how the game plays out, casually giving the rumor mill an occasional spin to keep things going? And do the Saharan elite scuffles have any relation to the election of another influential pro-palace Sahrawi, Sheikh Biadillah, as leader of the PAM, Morocco’s soon-to-be dominant political party, run behind the scenes by royal confidant Fouad Ali el-Himma? It’s sure to affect the center of gravity in Moroccan Sahrawi politics, wherever that actually lies. — — —
*) Curiously, he was accused a few years back of double-dealing with Sahrawi nationalists, allegedly having links to a Mauritanian businessman involved with something concerning the POLISARIO oil sales campaign. But since nothing ever came of it, I assume it might have been just political slander, although these kinds of ties across the Berm are probably a lot more common than either side would want to acknowledge.
على إثر الاعتداء الذي تعرضت له الناشطة الحقوقية الصحراوية، العضو في مكتب المنتدى الصحراوي لحماية الطفولة بالصحراء الغربية، و النائبة الثانية للرئيس الأخت "الدويه خديجتو"، إذ تعرضت لمضايقات من طرف عناصر الشرطة المغربية يوم 11 ماي 2009 على الساعة السابعة مساء بالقرب من ملعب أم السعد بالعيون / الصحراء الغربية، أثناء خروجها من منزل عائلة الناشط الحقوقي الصحراوي "التهليل محمد"، الذي كانت تزوره بعد الإفراج عنه من السجن.
و قد أوقفتها سيارة ذات دفع رباعي من نوع لاند روفر 110 بيضاء اللون، حيث انهال عليها عناصر الشرطة المغربية بالسب و الشتم و التجريح اللفظي، محاولين تخويفها و ترهيبها لثنيها عن ممارسة نشاطها الحقوقي المتمثل في الدفاع عن حقوق الإنسان بالصحراء الغربية.
لذلك، فإن المنتدى الصحراوي لحماية الطفولة بالصحراء الغربية، يدين بشدة هذا الاعتداء الجبان الذي طال الناشطة الحقوقية الصحراوية "الدويه خديجتو"، و يطالب كل المنظمات الحقوقية و كل الضمائر الحية بحماية النشطاء الحقوقيون الصحراويون من مضايقات الأجهزة الأمنية المغربية، التي لا زالت تمارس الانتهاكات الجسيمة لحقوق الإنسان بالصحراء الغربية.
المنتدى الصحراوي لحماية الطفولة/العيون/الصحراء الغربية
منذ عدة أيام يعرف منزل عائلة الناشط الحقوقي والمعتقل السياسي السابق أحماد حماد الكائن بحي الفيلات حصارا أمنيا مشددا من طرف مجموعة من رجال الاستخبارات المغربية بزي مدني ومنع العديد من الصحراويين والنشطاء الحقوقيين من المرور إلى المنزل المذكور دون إعطاء أي مبرر أوسبب لهذا المنع الغير مسؤول والغير قانوني ،وقد تعرض أحد المستخدمين لدا عائلة أحماد حماد المد عوا نور الدين إلى السب والشتم يوم الخميس 14ماي2009على الساعة السادسة مساءا أثناء قيامه ببعض الواجبات أمام المنزل من طرف الضابط خالد باراك ،وقد أصبحت عائلة الناشط الحقوقي أحماد حماد تحس بنوع من الانزعاج والضيق من هذه التصرفات وهذا الحصار المفروض على المنزل .
إن رابطة حماية السجناء الصحراويين إذ تستنكر وبشدة هذه المضايقات التي يتعرض لها الناشط الحقوقي أحماد حماد كما تندد بهذا الحصار المفروض على عائلته وتطالب كل ذوي الضمائر الحية بالضغط على الدولة المغربية من أجل احترام حقوق الإنسان بالصحراء الغربية وحماية النشطاء الحقوقيين الصحراويين وإطلاق سراح كافة المعتقلين السياسيين الصحراويين المتواجدين بالسجون المغربية .
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For instance, they may select a type of lettuce that has purple coloring in it as well as green. Blotches or tunnels usually mean your plant has leaf miners. Each has his own concoction of soapy water, tobacco juice or hot pepper solutions to to deter these nasty pests and try those first.
Afterwards, he sent this particular Tres for you to Apollo for any compensation for the Fifty Nandies. The particular classy aspect along with self-assurance which Hermes Birkins purses supply most women position these individuals the most sough immediately after manufacturers for most girls getting databases. To publicize her thoughts in America, El Saadawi examines how each media institution is funded and whose interests are represented before she agrees to an interview. Historical documentation of UFO sightings goes as far back as the Egyptian Pharaoh Thutmose III, who reigned Egypt around 1504-1450 B. In advance of purchasing, you should also review if the reproduction Hermes totes are priced way too high compared to it really is top quality and also product difference.
It is through the use of this medium that they wish to make in roads in the communications market. Creating your own info or e-letter communication could also be considered. Several news reports, writers, and analysts play a crucial role in the development of global news undoubtedly. For documentation purposes and additional interest, be sure to include the banner including the name of the news publication, as well as the date section. Until I was five I lived with my mother's younger sister Dorothy and my grandmother, who told me before she died that my mother had received letters from my father for some years after bringing me to New York.
7 comments:
CORCAS core cracks?
2009 May 13
tags: Algeria, CORCAS, corruption, elite, mohamed abdelaziz, Morocco, network, patronage, polisario, tribes, western saharaby alleIn the last couple of weeks, infighting within the palace-friendly elite in Morocco’s majority slice of Western Sahara seems to have reached boiling point. At the heart of it lies the continual squabbling within CORCAS, which, as you know, is short for the Royal Consultative Council for Saharan Affairs, but it seems mainly to serve as cover for a set of political, financial and personal rivalries which run all the way into the Moroccan regime elite, the makhzen.
CORCAS, you may recall, was (re-)established in 2006 to provide a reliably controllable voice for pro-Moroccan Sahrawis in the state’s campaign to promote autonomy as an alternative to a referendum. “Here,” the palace would say, “is the legitimate voice of the Sahrawis — it’s not the separatists.” Pretty good idea, if not always a convincing act, given how transparently obvious it is that the group is run on remote control from Rabat. (POLISARIO, which has its own embarrassing credibility issues with regards to its ties to the Algerian deep state, seems like a jolly band of maverick independents in comparison.)
Most problematic, however, is that they are a quarrelsome bunch, this motley of tribal sheikhs, businessmen, go-betweens, POLISARIO defectors, and makhzen clients. It worked for a while, just paying them a fat salary to toe the line, but in the past year or two, rivalries within CORCAS has rendered the group nearly inoperable, with constant bickering and large parts of the membership sometimes boycotting sessions. Far be it from me to claim any deeper insights into Saharo-makhzenite clan politics, but at the core of it all seems to be the hostile relations between CORCAS chairman Khellihenna ould el-Rachid and his brother Hamdi, on the one hand, and the group gathered around another southern strongman, Hassan Derham, on the other.
Khellihenna ould el-Rachid
Khellihenna is a native to the territory, and a veteran politician. He started out as chairman of the PUNS, a Spanish marionette organization which demanded “privileged ties” with Franco’s Madrid; later moved towards demanding independence when that seemed to be the winning bet; only to end up by discovering the Sahara’s eternal Moroccanity in 1975, as the Kingdom’s troops began pulling up on the border. Ever since, he’s been the most well-known Sahrawi face for Moroccan rule, although his fortunes temporarily dipped with the loss of support from regime pillar Driss Basri, who was cast out of power when Mohammed VI took the throne. He then returned in grand style in 2006, as M6’s anointed chairman of the CORCAS, and has since been back in business. In business, incidentally, is also his brother Hamdi, who aside from politics (multiple stints in parliament) acts as the family cashier, and whose privileged ties to the country’s political and military elite has allegedly made him the richest man in the Sahara.
Hassan Derham
The other gentleman involved, Hassan Derham, is also a politician-businessman, and also firmly implanted in Morocco’s Saharan patronage and clientèle system* However, he is not himself Sahrawi, but rather of the Aït Ba Amran, a south-Moroccan Berber tribe (with their own grievances against the state). Unlike the el-Rachid brothers, who are aligned with the Moroccan Istiqlal party, Derham now works with its rival leftist offshoot, the USFP, having previously been involved with pro-palace parties MP and RNI. Given the way their respective party affiliates faced off in the 2007 parliamentary elections, it’s obvious there’s little love between them.
It now seems that Derham’s supporters have withdrawn from some CORCAS sessions of late, joining protests against Khellihenna’s impopular and autocratic style of management and his refusal to inform council members of what’s going on (in reality, it may be that he isn’t himself very well informed, since decisions are taken not in CORCAS meetings, but in Rabat; CORCAS serves to provide media and local Big Man endorsement). I wouldn’t be too surprised if it transpires that Khellihenna’s comments about Moroccan mass killings of Sahrawis in 1975, which were published to his great embarrassment and presumably to no help in relations with the government, were also strategically leaked in this context. But what do I know.
The most recent development is that local USFP politicians have complained to Interior Minister Chakib Benmoussa about how some El Aaiún land lots were granted by the municipality to private individuals — in effect, they’re saying that state resources were used for a vote buying scam (which, given the way the Moroccan part of the Sahara is run, appears plausible to the point of goddamn obvious). Hamdi ould el-Rachid is apparently the one targeted, and he promptly shot back through Istiqlal papers with accusations of corruption in the local USFP (meaning Derham’s men). However, it seems the Ministry has decided to start an investigation of the matter. If so, that’s bad news for the el-Rachid brothers, since regime corruption in the Sahara is not something a minor clerk will decide to start digging in on his own — he’d be digging his own grave, more likely. If the courts and the government follow through with this affair, it must presumably mean that Derham has some serious backers for a push to clip the wings of Hamdi and Khellihenna, whose star has for some time been fading again.
At least that’s my guess. To add a note of caution, all of the above is my own interpretation of what I’ve gleaned through the press, not necessarily as accurate and detailed as I’d like, and I’m sure there are all kinds of nuances to add. Obviously, neither CORCAS nor other Saharan politics can or should be reduced to a rivalry between two clear-cut teams, given the vast complexities of tribal and other politics in these areas, and that’s not the impression I want to give either. So, you’re all most welcome to chime in with both comments and corrections.
Mohamed Abdelaziz
Finally, a couple of closing thoughts:
Where is POLISARIO in all this? I’m sure they’re doing their very best to fan the flames of discontent, but it seems unlikely they could even hope to rally the losers in this battle, given the extraordinarily strong ties of both factions to Morocco. So maybe Chairman Abdelaziz will just sit back with a bowl of popcorn to watch how the game plays out, casually giving the rumor mill an occasional spin to keep things going?
And do the Saharan elite scuffles have any relation to the election of another influential pro-palace Sahrawi, Sheikh Biadillah, as leader of the PAM, Morocco’s soon-to-be dominant political party, run behind the scenes by royal confidant Fouad Ali el-Himma? It’s sure to affect the center of gravity in Moroccan Sahrawi politics, wherever that actually lies.
— — —
*) Curiously, he was accused a few years back of double-dealing with Sahrawi nationalists, allegedly having links to a Mauritanian businessman involved with something concerning the POLISARIO oil sales campaign. But since nothing ever came of it, I assume it might have been just political slander, although these kinds of ties across the Berm are probably a lot more common than either side would want to acknowledge.
بيان تنديدي
على إثر الاعتداء الذي تعرضت له الناشطة الحقوقية الصحراوية، العضو في مكتب المنتدى الصحراوي لحماية الطفولة بالصحراء الغربية، و النائبة الثانية للرئيس الأخت "الدويه خديجتو"، إذ تعرضت لمضايقات من طرف عناصر الشرطة المغربية يوم 11 ماي 2009 على الساعة السابعة مساء بالقرب من ملعب أم السعد بالعيون / الصحراء الغربية، أثناء خروجها من منزل عائلة الناشط الحقوقي الصحراوي "التهليل محمد"، الذي كانت تزوره بعد الإفراج عنه من السجن.
و قد أوقفتها سيارة ذات دفع رباعي من نوع لاند روفر 110 بيضاء اللون، حيث انهال عليها عناصر الشرطة المغربية بالسب و الشتم و التجريح اللفظي، محاولين تخويفها و ترهيبها لثنيها عن ممارسة نشاطها الحقوقي المتمثل في الدفاع عن حقوق الإنسان بالصحراء الغربية.
لذلك، فإن المنتدى الصحراوي لحماية الطفولة بالصحراء الغربية، يدين بشدة هذا الاعتداء الجبان الذي طال الناشطة الحقوقية الصحراوية "الدويه خديجتو"، و يطالب كل المنظمات الحقوقية و كل الضمائر الحية بحماية النشطاء الحقوقيون الصحراويون من مضايقات الأجهزة الأمنية المغربية، التي لا زالت تمارس الانتهاكات الجسيمة لحقوق الإنسان بالصحراء الغربية.
المنتدى الصحراوي لحماية الطفولة/العيون/الصحراء الغربية
الخميس 14 ماي 2009
عودة إلى الخلف
بيان تنديدي
http://www.trabna.com/
منذ عدة أيام يعرف منزل عائلة الناشط الحقوقي والمعتقل السياسي السابق أحماد حماد الكائن بحي الفيلات حصارا أمنيا مشددا من طرف مجموعة من رجال الاستخبارات المغربية بزي مدني ومنع العديد من الصحراويين والنشطاء الحقوقيين من المرور إلى المنزل المذكور دون إعطاء أي مبرر أوسبب لهذا المنع الغير مسؤول والغير قانوني ،وقد تعرض أحد المستخدمين لدا عائلة أحماد حماد المد عوا نور الدين إلى السب والشتم يوم الخميس 14ماي2009على الساعة السادسة مساءا أثناء قيامه ببعض الواجبات أمام المنزل من طرف الضابط خالد باراك ،وقد أصبحت عائلة الناشط الحقوقي أحماد حماد تحس بنوع من الانزعاج والضيق من هذه التصرفات وهذا الحصار المفروض على المنزل .
إن رابطة حماية السجناء الصحراويين إذ تستنكر وبشدة هذه المضايقات التي يتعرض لها الناشط الحقوقي أحماد حماد كما تندد بهذا الحصار المفروض على عائلته وتطالب كل ذوي الضمائر الحية بالضغط على الدولة المغربية من أجل احترام حقوق الإنسان بالصحراء الغربية وحماية النشطاء الحقوقيين الصحراويين وإطلاق سراح كافة المعتقلين السياسيين الصحراويين المتواجدين بالسجون المغربية .
رابطة حماية السجناء الصحراويين
العيون /الصحراء الغربية
بتاريخ 15/05/2009
عودة إلى الخلف
You'll also opt in purchasing a survey scanner if you should happen to feel that you need better probabilities in finding the ore that you would like to mine. Some mining firms lost 30 per cent of their share values in the early August stock market meltdown. A large number of workers, particularly in the professional occupations, will become eligible for retirement in the coming years, and some companies may have trouble coping with the loss of many experienced workers to retirement at a time when the industry is expanding production on dryer machine and ball mill machines.
For instance, they may select a type of lettuce that has purple coloring in it as well as green.
Blotches or tunnels usually mean your plant has leaf miners.
Each has his own concoction of soapy water,
tobacco juice or hot pepper solutions to to deter these nasty pests and
try those first.
My webpage: ironic
Afterwards, he sent this particular Tres for you
to Apollo for any compensation for the Fifty Nandies.
The particular classy aspect along with self-assurance which
Hermes Birkins purses supply most women position these
individuals the most sough immediately after manufacturers for
most girls getting databases. To publicize her thoughts in America, El Saadawi examines how each
media institution is funded and whose interests are represented
before she agrees to an interview. Historical documentation of UFO sightings goes as far back as the Egyptian Pharaoh Thutmose III, who reigned Egypt
around 1504-1450 B. In advance of purchasing, you should also review if the reproduction Hermes
totes are priced way too high compared to it really is top quality and also product
difference.
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It is through the use of this medium that they wish to make
in roads in the communications market. Creating your own info
or e-letter communication could also be considered.
Several news reports, writers, and analysts play a crucial role in
the development of global news undoubtedly. For documentation purposes and additional
interest, be sure to include the banner including the name of
the news publication, as well as the date section.
Until I was five I lived with my mother's younger sister Dorothy and my grandmother, who told me before she died that my mother had received letters from my father for some years after bringing me to New York.
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